What is Plato’s Symposium, the classic book drawn into the Gender Queer culture wars?
It was probably inevitable, but is deeply sad, that Plato’s Symposium (circa 380 BCE), has been drawn into the culture wars. A dialogue of great complexity and elegance, the book is one of the principal sources of the Greek philosopher’s views on love and beauty.
There are also darker political undertones of the decline of Athenian democracy, surrounding the character of Alcibiades who crashes the drinking party the book depicts. There is a lot going on in The Symposium, and a lot we can learn from.
An illustration of a sexual fantasy inspired by The Symposium features in Maia Kobabe’s graphic-novel memoir Gender Queer. This week, the federal court ordered the Australian classification review board to review its assessment of Gender Queer, finding it had ignored, overlooked or misunderstood public submissions for the book to be censored.
Rightwing activist Bernard Gaynor had applied to the board to review the classification of the book. Gaynor’s barrister, Bret Walker SC, argued in court there had been a “broadbrush dismissal” of submissions the board claimed were anti-LGBTQ+ when many submissions objected to what they saw as “paedophilic” depictions of a man having sex with a minor – an image portraying Plato’s Symposium.
Plato’s work comes from a different culture to our own. This was a culture in which, at least among aristocratic males, there were norms around sexual morality that are not our own.
In this context, as Michel Foucault has shown in The History of Sexuality, there were norms surrounding same-sex relationships between elder and younger men that many contemporaries will find deeply morally problematic. But this does not detract from the book’s importance, nor does it exhaust the work’s content.
Far from it.
Love, beauty, and Plato
The Symposium, as its title reflects, is a dialogue between seven leading figures in Athens, set in the controversial year 416 BCE. This was the year in which Athens, spurred on by the charismatic, hawkish demagogue, Alcibiades, sent its navy fatefully to invade the Italian city of Syracuse.
Alcibiades was, around this time, withdrawn from his command of the fleet: accused of desecrating sacred statues on the night before the fleet’s departure, and of impiously staging religious mysteries.
The party in The Symposium soon becomes a setting for the leading participants to each give speeches on the nature of love. Probably the most famous is that of the comic playwright, Aristophanes.
He argues human beings were, initially, unlikely round figures who developed the hubris to challenge the Gods. As a result, we were chopped in half and became sexed beings. Each of us was thus condemned to seeking our lost “other half” through sexual love.
The hero-philosopher Socrates’s speech is similarly colourful. It features him reminiscing on a youthful visit to an exotic priestess, Diotima, who taught him everything he knows about love.
Love, suggests Socrates, (rather wonderfully), is the longing to give birth to beauty. It is tied to the human longing for immortality. We are drawn by the beauty of others to try to unite with them, physically and spiritually. At first, the beautiful form of the body attracts us. But then it becomes the beauty of their souls, if love is more than lust or illusion.
Love inspires us, Plato is stressing, to give birth to new things. For most of us, this means physical offspring, who will perpetuate our name and memory.
But love can move people to beautiful speeches, beautiful works of art, even beautiful laws to govern cities. The philosopher, we are told, ultimately seeks Beauty itself, an unchanging eternal reality in which all earthly, beautiful things only imperfectly participate.
Sexual desire
This is hardly highly erotic material, in any ordinary sense. And yet, when the drunken Alcibiades comes bursting in to interrupt Socrates, accompanied by flute girls and a band of revellers, sexual desire is brought back into the frame.
Alcibiades, who has lived a life of popular adulation and sexual promiscuity, launches into a speech describing his attempts to seduce Socrates, the ugly, old philosopher. For Socrates is the only man or woman who has ever said “no” to his advances, even, once, when Alcibiades was sleeping right beside him.
This knock back drives Alcibiades crazy. And yet, it impresses him. Socrates is ugly on the outside, he says. Yet, inside his soul, for those who love him, there are secret treasures, (agalmata in the Greek). And he would do anything to possess such hidden beauties.
This is a text rich in images, comedy, and deep insights into the human experience. Yes, Plato’s characters accept the norms of that time surrounding homosexual love. The opening speech, by Phaedrus (a character who comes up in another dialogue on love), celebrates the power of such love, for instance in armies, wherein men will fight more vigorously to protect their beloved. (In Greek culture, the manly Achilles’ love for Patrocles, which is such a theme in Homer’s Iliad, was considered exemplary.)
The second speaker, the rather sleazy Pausanius, makes a case more directly for the nobility of sexual love affairs between older men and young, beautiful adolescent males. In what is arguably special pleading, Pausanius tells the group that
the older man brings to the match his wisdom and his virtue, while the younger nobly seeks to acquire these with a view to his better education.
We don’t need to be convinced. But this is the second speech of seven, and hardly Plato’s final word on love. As shown by the dialogue of Phaedrus, Plato is clearly interested in the elevating capacities of romantic love: the ways that, whether same-sex or heterosexual, it can inspire and elevate people.
In such a view, notably, he is something of an exception among the ancient philosophers, most of whom are decidedly more suspicious about the tendency of romantic love to get people to lose their heads.
For Plato, when human beings fall in love, they can be moved outside of their own egoism, if only to serve their beloved, and then the children the union can bring.
The connection of even sexual love with our responsiveness to beauty shows for Platonists that we are not just animals, without a spiritual dimension. Even the lowliest person is still moved by beauty, and can be inspired by its pursuit to improve themselves.
A different moral message
The big message of the dialogue then is not lasciviousness. When Socrates knocks back Alcibiades’ attempt to seduce him physically, he tells him he would nevertheless be happy to meet with him, to continue discussing virtue and how he can become a better person.
Alcibiades has no interest in this, instead turning from trying to conquer Socrates to trying to conquer the known world. As some readers will know, he soon enough defects to Sparta, seduces its queen and betrays his home city, before defecting to Persia, as related by Thucydides and Xenophon.
If moralists want to find a message in The Symposium, it might be this. The person who can conceive no greater love than them self and their own beauty, is no friend to ordinary standards of civics, or, indeed, good and evil.
Complete Article ↪HERE↩!
My Body Doesn’t Belong to You
— In this essay from 2017, a young woman offers powerful testimony about the damaging effects of men’s possessiveness over women’s bodies.
By Heather Burtman
When the stranger yelled at me from his car window, I was carrying my Zamioculcas zamiifolia, a large tropical plant I had just bought at a greenhouse. I couldn’t hear what he said, but I don’t think he was complimenting my plant.
His words, whatever they were, brought to mind all of the derogatory comments and crude propositions I had heard before, from different car windows and different men: all of the comments about my body and suggestions for what I could do with it. It was as if, once I turned 16, my body no longer belonged to me but to the world at large and to certain men who drove their cars past it.
When I was a little girl, playing shirtless in my family’s garden, my body felt as if it belonged only to me. We had a rectangle-shaped yard out of which we would dig a smaller rectangle, and this dark patch of soil would become our garden. At 5, 6 and 7 years old, my siblings and I laughed as we shook out fat chunks of grass and produced a shower of dirt that went up our noses and down our chests.
I liked the way the dirt felt, all freshly dug, against my skin, and I asked my mother to bury me in it the way she sometimes did at the beach. She buried me halfway, and I smiled and posed for a picture. I liked being that way: a bare, muddy torso with a handful of seeds that I thought might grow carrots and yield a future in which my body was my body. And your body was your body.
Nakedness was swimming in the bay as the sunlight dimmed behind the apple trees, and when we walked down the street and men smiled at us, they didn’t mean it like that.
During my senior year of high school, I went in for my second bra-fitting at J.C. Penney, where the fitter sniffed a little in disapproval when telling me my cup size, as if she were thinking, “How dare you grow those.”
I was now the keeper of this secret: There are sizes beyond DD. You can be an H, for example. That is British sizing. Or a K. That is American sizing. The British make better bras. I was the girl with the big breasts. There were jokes, compliments from female friends, promises that my future boyfriend or husband or lover would have plenty to be happy about.
There were men who ogled. Men who asked, “Are those real?”
I had no answer. I didn’t remember consciously deciding about their size or doing anything about it.
Around then I realized that, in this world, there would be many instances when my body would not feel like my body. When I was in a club and a man grabbed my buttocks and then my hands, trying to pull me in to dance. You can say no 100 times, and he will still pull.
There is the knot of your hands and his, and the harder you pull away, the harder he pulls closer. It is like a game to him, like one of those colorful woven tubes that trap your fingers when you exert opposing forces.
If you are lucky, your friends will yell at him until he lets go. You will stand there stunned, suddenly realizing how sticky the dance floor is, also wondering if they have nice-smelling hand soap in the bathroom, hand soap that smells like summer air, being young, outside. But that is the smell of another world entirely, one that no longer seems to exist.
When I walk to work, and men smile at me along the way, they don’t have nice smiles anymore. “What’s your name?” they say. “Come on, sweetheart, tell me your name.”
They follow me, their footsteps like trees falling. I can feel it in the air, their need to take something from me. It has nothing to do with me in particular, with me as an individual. It has nothing to do with how I was once a fearless, naked gardener with a blue plastic teapot and a collection of Ravensburger puzzles.
If I were to tell them my name, would they remember it? Would they invite me out to a nice dinner and listen as I told them stories about my childhood? Would this be true love?
I can picture the scene now. I’m at brunch with my girlfriends at a place that serves bottomless Bloody Marys and slightly overcooked eggs. After Round 3, we find ourselves on the usual subject: how we met our significant others.
My girlfriends lean in a little closer and say: “Oh Heather, please tell the story again. Tell us how you and Lyle met.”
“Well,” I begin, taking one last sip of Bloody Mary. “I was walking down the street when Lyle drove by and yelled, ‘Hey, baby!’ and asked me to have sex with him. And I thought, ‘This one’s a keeper.’”
Such behavior is not about me. It’s not about love. It’s not even about sex. It is about fear and power. What certain men gain from feeding on such things, I do not know, and I do not want to know.
While traveling in France one year, I held onto my friend’s arm as a man followed us for maybe half a mile, yelling I know not what. There was the glittering river, the stone bridge, the creperie closed for the night. Only the fear really existed.
“We can take him,” I whispered to her. “I mean, if anything happens.”
We marched forward, eyeing the distance between the hunted and the hunter. I was too scared to think and uncertain of how one even got a hold of the police out there.
In Connecticut one day, a man drove past me only to turn around and come back.
“Oh, my God,” I thought. “He came back.” I felt the fear descending upon me the way a colorful parachute does in a childhood game of cat and mouse. He talked, he laughed, he watched me try not to blink. I always blinked. What is the verb? To savor. To luxuriate in torturing another. Sadism.
If someone does this to you, do not give in to the temptation to smile. I tell myself to be the strong woman my mother taught me to be and not smile, but I almost always do.
One man said to me: “Do you know who I am? I am Don Juan, and I am the best lover in the world. See for yourself.”
And I thought: Good for you, sir. Good for you. I smiled at him, laughed even.
Another man on another day stood on the sidewalk in front of me as dusk was falling. He was with his friends, and he reached out his arms and pulled me toward him. And what did I do? “I’ve got to go,” I said. “I’ve got to go.” Sweet smile. Walk, don’t run. They smell fear. They chase.
I will never be 6 again. I no longer remember what it is like to bask shirtless with a garden against my skin, or for someone to take a picture of my naked torso that they will actually develop at Walgreens. I am 24, and my body makes life dangerous for me. My breasts, my hips, the way I walk. Any woman’s breasts, any woman’s hips, the way any woman walks.
It’s all somehow too tempting. Our full lips or thin lips. Our necks exposed beneath cropped hair, or our long hair, or the split ends we pick at while sitting on the bus. Our pierced or unpierced ears. The infinite circle of belly button winking beneath our shirts. We look too good in our T-shirts and jeans. We look too good bundled up in our coats, carrying houseplants down the street.
When we walk home to our apartments late at night, we carry our keys spread out between our fingers, and we jump at the shadows of shadows. In the daylight, we pretend we were never afraid.
A couple of years ago, in the warmth of summer, I stood naked on a dock, and my body was my body. My two girlfriends were standing naked beside me, and their bodies were their bodies. Our breasts were our breasts. Our clothes were our clothes that we had chosen to wear and chosen to take off, leaving them in warm heaps on the chilled wood next to the damp footprints, which were also ours.
When we jumped into the water, we chose to jump in. The weeds brushed against our bodies obliviously, encircling our fingers and toes and hips with no knowledge of or care about which was which.
We splashed water with our fists and yelled, but if we were afraid, it was only of fish. That thought made us laugh. We saluted the dark, starry, silent sky, and it did not so much as whistle or wink back.
Complete Article ↪HERE↩!
An important piece is missing from the reproductive freedom debate
— Comprehensive sex education
By Meg Bartlett-Chase
During the recent debate with Gov. Tim Walz, U.S. Sen. J.D. Vance alluded once again to the myth of “post-birth abortions” when he referenced his (mis)understanding of Minnesota’s reproductive health care laws. He claimed that Walz signed a bill that allows “a doctor who presides over an abortion, where the baby survives, the doctor is under no obligation to provide lifesaving care to a baby who survives a botched late term abortion.”
Vance seemingly referred to the 2023 Legislature’s repeal of the “Born Alive Infants Protection Act.” The new law now allows parents to hold and show love to their infants born with fetal abnormalities often incompatible with life, while no longer mandating doctors perform medical interventions that have no chance of success.
This follows the presidential debate during which Donald Trump repeated his claim that abortions are being performed post-birth. While moderator Linsey Davis quickly fact-checked, “There is no state in the country where it is legal to kill a baby after it was born,” there remain voters who believe these harmful myths about abortion care. While fear and misplaced trust play a role, insufficient sex education policies lay the foundation that allows such persistent misunderstanding of pregnancy and abortion.
Thirty states require sex education, but 17 of them mandate an abstinence-only approach. Just three states both require sex education and establish that the education must be comprehensive (e.g., curriculum inclusive of a wide range of sexual, gender and relationship heath topics not limited to abstinence).
Unfortunately, Minnesota is not one of them — our state laws currently require only that schools teach sex education; that it is “technically accurate”; and that it covers abstinence.
Across the country, the state of sex education is not an accident.
Since the 1973 Roe v. Wade Supreme Court decision, opposition to abortion rights has gone hand in hand with dismantling sex education in public schools. It began with the 1970’s emergence of the Christian right in backlash to the era’s sexual revolution, and it’s continued to current day Project 2025. In each case, anti-abortion sentiments have accompanied restrictions on sex education under the umbrella of “family values.” These values often resulted in support for abstinence-only sex education, which prevents youth from accessing information about sexuality and pregnancy that does not involve waiting to have sex until marriage.
Anti-abortion advocates know that increased understanding of sex, reproduction and pregnancy encourages support for reproductive freedoms. Twenty-five states have either banned abortion or restricted it beyond what Roe v. Wade allowed before its fall in 2022. Meanwhile, in 2024, over 450 bills have been introduced around the country intending to restrict or remove sex education content or instruction from schools. Many of the states where the most restrictive sex education bills have been introduced — and passed — are states with abortion bans and restrictions.
The purposeful attacks on sex education in schools is exceptionally upsetting considering the consistent findings that high quality sex education reduces rates of unwanted pregnancy and sexually transmitted diseases, while also improving social/emotional learning, increasing media literacy, and developing skills for preventing partner violence and fostering healthy relationships.
But anti-abortion politicians aren’t the only ones who realize this connection. Researchers presenting at the 2024 Southern Political Science Association Conference shared that knowledge about pregnancy “is significantly associated with more (pro-abortion rights) attitudes.” That relationship proved strong across study participants’ political beliefs and religious identities — both of which are often presented as main sources of abortion rights opinions.
Lack of pregnancy knowledge allows space for anti-abortion activists to frame abortion as a moral issue instead of a health care necessity. Take Ed Martin, a Republican Party platform leader at the 2024 RNC, who previously claimed on his podcast, Pro America, that “No abortion is ever performed to save the life of the mother — none, zero, zilch.” This rhetoric negates all the health complications of pregnancy, as well as the life-saving care required to treat them. The complexity and risks of pregnancy — like ectopic pregnancies that cannot be safely carried to term or preexisting health issues made more deadly by the bodily changes of growing a fetus — are too great to legislate in a way that allows true care for any and all who need, and yes choose, to access it.
Despite its widespread support, sex education is rarely included in the advocacy of reproductive rights organizations. Abortion rights are popular in this country, but not as popular as school-based sex education. While 67% of Americans support legal abortion in most or all cases, nearly 89% of Americans — and 90% of parents — believe sexual health education should be in schools. Notably, when Black women lead on abortion rights, they more often advocate for reproductive as well as parenting justice that includes sex education advocacy. The rest of us should take note.
This means taking a broader view of what advocating for reproductive rights looks like. Our methods for supporting pro-abortion rights candidates and organizations appear clear, but supporting sex education in our communities, states, and country requires a slightly different approach.
Education policies come from federal funding and standards, state laws, educational department standards, and local school districts. As the election looms and the school year has begun, consider the candidates at every level — especially the school board — on your ballot. While candidates and advocates are much more openly discussing abortion, sex education remains laden with the perception of controversy and stigma.
We can advance access to sexual health information that students need and deserve by talking about sex education and pushing candidates to do the same. This could be at school board meetings, town halls, caucuses, or by contacting candidates directly. Organizations like Sexuality Information and Education Council of the United States, or SIECUS, and state-based nonprofits provide opportunities to use your voice for true reproductive freedom that can only come from informed and sexually literate communities.
Ensuring reproductive rights for future generations requires more than fighting for abortion access today. It means advocating for sex education policies that will prevent us from falling into traps of disinformation for decades to come.
Complete Article ↪HERE↩!
Your pride, your power
— The essential LGBTQ voter guide for 2024
Navigate the complex landscape of LGBTQ politics with Reckon’s roadmap to what’s really at stake for queer and trans Americans in this election.
By
What’s the issue? Break it down.
In recent years, we have seen the rights of LGBTQ Americans nationwide used as political pawns. During the presidential election year in 2020, anti-trans legislation reached an all-time high with 118 anti-trans bills. In 2024, the number of bills introduced has skyrocketed more than five-fold, with 658 bills aiming to restrict bodily autonomy, healthcare access, sports participation, and attempts to erase the public existence of the LGBTQ community. Trans youth are the primary target.
Simultaneously, persistent misinformation about gender-affirming care from anti-trans conservatives has emboldened hostile rhetoric surrounding the community. As a result, 45 anti-trans bills across the country have passed into law, affecting 16 states. As we approach the 2024 election, the fight for LGBTQ liberation remains crucial—perhaps more urgent than ever before.
Why does it matter? What’s at stake?
As a direct result of rising anti-trans rhetoric, major cities have seen a record high in hate crimes, according to the 2023 “Report to the Nation” by Brian Levin, who found that three of the five demographics experiencing increased hate violence were from the LGBTQ community. This underscores the widespread impact of anti-LGBTQ sentiment, affecting all communities regardless of political affiliation.
Although trans youth are targeted in legislation, this year alone has seen violent incidents that resulted in trans and nonbinary teens dying, including Nex Benedict from Oklahoma and Pauly A. Likens from Pennsylvania. Additionally, mental health issues for young LGBTQ people continue to worsen as anti-LGBTQ laws increase. Voting in favor of pro-LGBTQ policies and ensuring pro-LGBTQ politicians win their seats then can mitigate the rampant attack on trans youth, and potentially proactively turn the tides for the better.
Current status
The numerous anti-trans bills and laws across various states have caught the attention of many in the community. In anticipation of the 2024 election, the Supreme Court has agreed to hear a case brought on by the ACLU, challenging Tennessee’s Senate Bill 1, enacted in July 2023 under Gov. Bill Lee. This law bans gender-affirming care for trans minors in Tennessee. Government officials defending the law argue that gender-affirming care is not only harmful and unnecessary, but also that trans people are not protected under the Constitution.
This case is significant because how the Court interprets transgender rights under the Constitution can set a major precedent for LGBTQ protections moving forward.
Where do the presidential candidates stand on this issue?
Democratic Party:
- Kamala Harris: Harris, who currently serves as Vice President, supported gay marriage over a decade before it was federally legalized. She also helped her home state of California become the first state to ban the “gay and trans panic” defense law in 2014, and introduced a bill to prohibit the practice at the national level. Her policies on sex work and incarceration as attorney general have been criticized by the trans community, particularly an instance when she was against allowing incarcerated trans people to transition.
- As Vice President, she has shown increased support for LGBTQ rights, hosting Pride events at the White House. Her running mate Tim Walz, governor of Minnesota, shows a history of pro-LGBTQ advocacy spanning over two decades.
Republican Party:
- Donald J. Trump: As the 45th president, Trump initiated a concerted effort to remove protections for LGBTQ people. In 2018, his administration attempted to define “sex” in federal civil rights laws to eliminate non-discrimination protections for trans people. Trump sought to “define ‘transgender’ out of existence,” erode protections for transgender students and workers, and weaken access to gender-affirming health care—which we now see as a prominent debate topic amongst nominees.
- In his current campaign, Trump has announced plans to severely restrict queer, trans and nonbinary rights if he wins a second term. His plan “Agenda 47” aligns closely to anti-trans bills becoming law this year. His running mate J.D. Vance has actively spread misinformation about gender-affirming care.
Independent, Green, Libertarian or Third-Party:
Robert F. Kennedy Jr. (Independent): Kennedy Jr. suspended his campaign and endorsed Trump on Aug. 23.
- Kennedy lacks concrete opinions regarding trans rights—at least not the ones that are often debated over. He faced criticism early on for accepting an invitation to speak at a summit hosted by Moms for Liberty—an anti-trans extremist group, according to civil rights watchdogs, rallying school curricula, sports participation and bathroom usage. Kennedy backed out of the event, while reaffirming his support for gay marriage.
- He has also been wary of supporting hormone replacement therapies (HRT) for trans youth, questioning its practices and long term effects. Comparing it to driving, voting, joining the army, even getting a tattoo, Kennedy is hesitant to support underage access to gender-affirming care “because we know that children do not fully understand the consequences of decisions with life-long ramifications,” he said on X. He has stressed the importance of showing the trans community support as they “shouldn’t ever be shamed.”
Cornel West (Independent): Known for longstanding racial justice activism, West has spent his career advocating for marginalized people to have equitable access to democratic institutions and social spaces. But his looming uncertainty over trans athletes’ participation in sports casts a shadow in understanding just how pro-LGBTQ he is. During Pres. Obama’s reelection campaign in 2012, West criticized Obama’s usage of gay marriage above other issues, though clarified his support for it two years later.
- In an interview last year with Fox News, West expressed empathy for trans people and their vulnerability when asked about sports participation. The following month in an interview on “The Karen West Show,” West seemed to have backtracked, proposing a third gender category for trans athletes for “fairness.” Regarding bathroom usage, discrimination policies and anti-LGBTQ school curricula, West has no concrete proposed policies surrounding transgender rights.
Jill Stein (Green Party): Stein is known for protesting at coal plants and testifying before legislative bodies about environmental concerns. According to iSideWith, another voting guide system, voters of Stein would support gender-affirming care for minors under the condition that they are non-surgical—though she herself has not made any direct statements about her stance on trans healthcare.
- It is worth nothing, however, that Stein has an up-to-date understanding of what is at stake for the trans, nonbinary and gender-nonconforming community given that this Trans Day of Visibility, she took it to X to express her awareness of the current climate, escalating political and physical violence surrounding trans issues. She mentioned having a “longstanding” record of affirming trans rights, and promises to implement federal protections for all LGBTQ people nationwide.
Chase Oliver (Libertarian): A former Democrat, Oliver is a 39-year-old gay candidate who is pro-gun, anti-cop, pro-choice. He self-describes himself as Georgia’s first LGBTQ candidate who is “armed and gay.” Oliver himself was the person behind his high school’s inaugural Gay Straight Alliance (GSA).
- In a tense interview with Reason TV in May, he strongly argues that gender-affirming care is valid and should stay private between the minor, their parent, and the doctor. Oliver has defended the artistry of drag performance against those labeling it as harmful to children.
Key bills to know
CALIFORNIA
- Assembly Constitutional Amendment (ACA) No. 5 (Proposition 3): Under Proposition 8, the California Constitution defines marriage as between a man and a woman in the state, which eliminates the rights of same-sex couples to marry.
- A yes vote = removes the ban on same-sex marriage from the California Constitution and declares the right to marry as a fundamental right for all couples, regardless of gender.
- A no vote = keeps the current language defining marriage as between a man and a woman in the state constitution and maintains a constitutional conflict with federal law, which recognizes same-sex marriage
COLORADO
- SCR24-003: The Colorado constitution states that a marriage is valid only if it is between one man and one woman. That provision has been unenforceable since the U.S. Supreme Court decision in Obergefell v. Hodges in 2015. The Constitutional Same-Sex Marriage Ban Amendment repeals the provision in Colorado.
- A yes vote = Removes the phrase “only a union of one man and one woman shall be valid or recognized as a marriage in this state” from the Colorado Constitution. Aligns the state constitution with current federal law and practice.
- A no vote = Keeps the outdated, unenforceable language in the state constitution and maintains a symbolic barrier to marriage equality in Colorado.
HAWAII
- House Bill 2802: The Hawaii Remove Legislature Authority to Limit Marriage to Opposite-Sex Couples Amendment proposes a constitutional amendment to repeal the Legislature’s authority to limit marriage to opposite-sex couples.
- A yes vote = Removes the phrase “the legislature shall have the power to reserve marriage to opposite-sex couples,” from Hawaii’s constitution.
- A no vote = Keeps the current recognition that a marriage under the constitution is limited to straight couples.
NEW YORK
- Proposal 1: This proposal amends Article 1, Section 11 of the Equal Rights Amendment. Section 11 now protects against unequal treatment based on race, color, creed, and religion. Proposal 1 seeks protection against unequal treatment based on ethnicity, national origin, age, disability, sex, sexual orientation, gender identity, gender expression, pregnancy, and pregnancy outcomes, abortion, as well as reproductive healthcare and autonomy.
- A yes vote = protection against unequal treatment based on ethnicity, national origin, age, disability, sex, sexual orientation, gender identity, gender expression, pregnancy, and pregnancy outcomes.
- A no vote = keeps the lack of protections in instances of discrimination based on identity in the state.
SOUTH DAKOTA
- Senate Joint Resolution 505: This amendment was designed to remove gender-specific language in the state constitution and replace it with gender-neutral language. Specifically, the measure was designed to replace male pronouns with gender-neutral terms or the titles of offices referenced.
- A yes vote = amending the text of the South Dakota Constitution to change male pronouns to gender-neutral terms or titles.
- A no vote = keeps the state constitution pronouns to only “he/him,” when referring to the state constituents.
Notable races of LGBTQ candidates in swing states
ARIZONA
- Lorena Austin is running for reelection to the State House in Legislative District 9, a frontline district to protect the Arizona Democratic Legislative Campaign Committee (DLCC), which seeks to elect Democrats to the state House and Senate.
- Running for the House are Oscar de los Santos, Patricia Contreras, and Brian Garcia.
- Notable statewide candidate:
- Josh Polacheck (Democrat) for Arizona Corporation Commissioner.
MICHIGAN
- Kyle Wright is running for a House seat in one of the most competitive districts in the state, against James DeSana, a MAGA extremist with strong anti-trans stances. Wright would be the youngest state representative in Michigan.
NEVADA
- In order to maintain a pro-equality supermajority in the Nevada Assembly, all eyes are on Assembly District 4 where gay candidate Ryan Hampton is working tirelessly to flip this open seat.
- Assemblywoman Cecilia Gonzalez is running for reelection.
NORTH CAROLINA
- Lisa Grafstein is the sole LGBTQ voice in the State Senate and in a newly drawn 50/50 seat. With the gubernatorial election likely favoring the Democratic Party, ensuring there is not a GOP supermajority would be key to preventing further anti-LGBTQ legislation.
PENNSYLVANIA
- Notable statewide candidate:
- Malcolm Kenyatta (Democrat) for Pennsylvania State Auditor. Kenyatta would be the first out LGBTQ+ statewide official in Pennsylvania.
WISCONSIN
- Wisconsin State Assembly: Wisconsin might elect its largest-ever bloc of LGBTQ State Assembly members, who will be a crucial part of the state’s legislative branch in charge of making and passing laws.
- Ryan Spaude is running in what is likely the most competitive district in Wisconsin, with the Democratic party leading by one point in the Partisan Voting Index (PVI), according to the LGBTQ+ Victory Fund.
- Kristin Alfheim’s Senator campaign is a crucial win that Democrats need in order for control of the state Senate. She is facing an opponent in the general election who has strong anti-LGBTQ stances.
- Notable statewide candidate:
- Tammy Baldwin (Democrat) for Wisconsin U.S. Senator. Baldwin made history in 2012 as the first out LGBTQ member elected to the U.S. Senate, and was re-elected for her second term in 2018.
Key Points for Voters
- What to Consider When Voting
- Representation matters to an extent: LGBTQ representation matters, but it’s not everything. Research candidates thoroughly, regardless of their identity. Focus on track records, policies and visions that align with LGBTQ rights and your values.
- Prioritize intersectionality: Consider how LGBTQ issues intersect with other social justice movements. Look for candidates who understand and advocate for reproductive rights, immigrants’ rights, racial equality, economic equity, environmental protection. Support candidates who recognize the interconnectedness of identity and systemic issues.
- Keep your politicians accountable: Voting is just the beginning of political engagement. After elections, monitor your representatives’ actions and votes, communicate regularly with their offices, and collaborate with advocacy groups to ensure promises are kept. Remember: Your role as a constituent continues beyond Election Day.
- Engage in local activism: Don’t wait for national elections to make a difference. You can create change in your community by joining or starting local LGBTQ organizations, attending city council meetings, volunteering for local causes and organizing community events to raise awareness. Stay informed and educate others and challenge misinformation about LGBTQ issues when you encounter it.
Resources and Further Reading
- Where to Learn More
- Equality PAC: The political arm of the Congressional Equality Caucus, Equality PAC is dedicated to the full legal and societal equality for LGBTQ Americans where all funds raised are spent supporting and electing openly LGBTQ individuals and strong LGBTQ allies to the United States Congress who are committed to full civil rights and protections for all LGBTQ Americans.
- Gender Liberation Movement March: Washington, D.C. march, protest and festival for gender-affirming care, abortions rights and democracy on Sept. 14
- LGBTQ+ Rights Voter Guide on Who to Vote For: Keep tabs of which LGBTQ or LGBTQ-ally candidates are running in your state for some of the crucial seats in this upcoming election, and what and who they are up against.
- LGBTQ+ Victory Fund: The only national organization devoted to electing pro-equality, pro-choice LGBTQ+ leaders to public office at every level—from local school boards, to city council, and even a seat in Congress.
- “Plugged In”: WABE, the NPR and PBS affiliate for the Metro Atlanta Area, their podcast “Plugged In” explores LGBTQ life in Georgia, wherein this episode dives into what is at stake for queer, trans and nonbinary Georgians, and how LGBTQ voters could shape the upcoming presidential election.
- ACLU Tennessee: “U.S. Supreme Court Will Hear Challenge from United States, Families, and Doctors Against Transgender Health Care Ban”
- GLAAD: “GLAAD’s Voter Poll Indicates Anti-Trans Campaigning is Failing.” 94% of LGBTQ Americans Are Motivated To Vote; 72% Report Negative Impact of Political Discourse on Mental Health and Emotional Well-Being
- Complete Article ↪HERE↩!
5 reasons why abortion is health care
— Access to safe abortion care has a real impact on people’s lives and health, from preventing unsafe abortions and complications to upholding bodily autonomy.
At Doctors Without Borders/Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF), we consider safe abortion care a critical part of our sexual and reproductive health care services—one that can save lives and support the well-being of our patients.
Our teams around the world work in countries with varying laws and cultural views on abortion. Every day, MSF staff see firsthand how access to safe abortion care has a real impact on people’s lives and health. Anyone who seeks an abortion—no matter their reason—is deserving of high-quality and dignified care. When patients can access safe abortion care in their communities, the risk of complications related to unsafely induced abortion significantly decreases. There are instances in which safe abortion care is medically necessary to preserve an individual’s health and well-being, or even save their life. As health providers, MSF is committed to upholding medical ethics and person-centered care, which includes access to safe abortion.
1. Abortion is a common health procedure worldwide
More than half of all unintended pregnancies in the world end in abortion, whether spontaneously (referred to as miscarriage) or as the result of a deliberate intervention. People all over the world seek abortions when they do not wish to be pregnant. Chances are, someone close to you has had an abortion.
- 73 million induced abortions occur around the world each year
- 45 percent of abortions worldwide are unsafe, the vast majority in low- and middle-income countries
- Abortion is common: 6 in 10 unintended pregnancies end in abortion, and 3 in 10 out of all pregnancies
- MSF provided 54,500 consultations for safe abortion care around the world in 2023
- Policy restrictions, health inequities, stigma, and misperceptions can inhibit access to safe abortion care
- Unsafe abortion is a significant contributor to maternal mortality worldwide, causing an estimated 22,800 – 31,000 deaths each year
Safe abortion care
An abortion is considered safe if the person providing or supporting the abortion is trained and an evidence-based method that is appropriate to the pregnancy duration is used. MSF’s medical projects provide abortion in alignment with these criteria. In general, MSF personnel use medication abortion or manual vacuum aspiration (MVA) to provide care. These methods are extremely safe and effective in ending a pregnancy. In fact, abortion is safer than many common health services, including a shot of penicillin and tooth extraction.
MSF also supports self-managed abortion. This refers to a method in which an individual takes abortion medications outside of a medical setting. Self-managed abortion is just as safe and effective as a facility-based approach if the person has access to accurate information, quality medications, and respectful support throughout the process, if desired. It also increases access to safe abortion care for marginalized and underrepresented people, and those who live far away from health care facilities. Self-care interventions like self-managed abortion uphold patient’s bodily autonomy and support them to make decisions about and take the lead in their own care.
For more information on the methods utilized by MSF to provide safe abortion care, you can visit our medical guidelines: medicalguidelines.msf.org.
2. Safe abortion care saves lives
Pregnant people in crisis-affected settings are at greater risk of experiencing adverse health outcomes. In some cases, abortion is necessary to save the person’s life or preserve their health.
Lifesaving care
“A few years ago, I was on assignment with MSF in a country where access to abortion is heavily restricted. One night a woman came in, bleeding heavily, with a life-threatening pregnancy complication.
“The team gathered to discuss the best way to help our patient. In order to save her life, we needed to help her end the pregnancy safely. Not everyone on the team agreed with abortion. But despite our different values and convictions, we were united by a fundamental truth: that we were all there to save this patient’s life and limit her suffering.
What makes an abortion unsafe
According to the World Health Organization, an abortion is unsafe if the person providing the abortion does not have the necessary skills or if the abortion takes place in an environment that does not meet minimal medical standards.
Health consequences of unsafe abortions
Safe abortion care is not resource-intensive to provide. When safe abortion is legal and accessible, complications are rare and generally do not require complex treatment.
However, complications due to unsafely induced abortion require emergency care to prevent long-term health consequences and death. At MSF, we regularly see patients experiencing severe and life-threatening conditions and injuries due to unsafe abortion, including severe hemorrhage, sepsis (severe general infection), poisoning, uterine perforation, or damage to other internal organs. Some patients die before arriving at a hospital; others need major surgery to survive, and some are left permanently disabled.
Resorting to unsafe abortion
“There were two young girls from the same family—both 15 years old and pregnant. They wanted to continue with their schooling. So, after getting advice from their friends, they secretly went into the bush looking for traditional herbs.
“They prepared the herbs and drank them, thinking that this remedy would cause an abortion. The girls began to have abdominal complications. Their bellies became swollen. They were in pain. They were crying.
“Their parents took them to the hospital. Both girls died within minutes of each other. They died as a result of poisoning from the traditional plants they used to induce abortion. This happens a lot here.
3. Legal and policy barriers to abortion negatively affect people’s health and well-being
Laws and policies restricting or banning access to safe abortion do not reduce abortion-seeking behavior, nor do they affect the need for care, or protect people from complications related to unsafe abortion.
The impact of abortion-related legal and policy restrictions on patients’ health
In contexts when abortion is illegal or otherwise restricted through laws or policies, individuals carrying an unintended pregnancy may have no choice but to resort to unsafe abortion methods. When abortion is criminalized, individuals are less likely to seek timely medical attention if complications occur due to fears of prosecution. In one year, MSF treated more than 2,800 cases of unsafely induced abortion in Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). A study of MSF health facilities in DRC found that women and girls experiencing abortion-related complications delayed accessing care due to fears of legal and societal repercussions.
The criminalization of abortion has broader harmful implications for health providers and personnel as it may also impede sexual and reproductive health service delivery more generally. A study by MSF and partners on unsafe abortion morbidity and mortality in Nigeria found that providers working in contexts restrictive toward safe abortion care could be cautious to support access to other sexual and reproductive health services. Among providers surveyed in Nigeria, 79 percent reported that they would seek spousal consent before providing patients with contraception, and 60 of providers would seek parental consent for contraception if the patient was a minor. When asked the same question about post-abortion care—92 percent of providers said they would seek spousal consent, and 88 percent said they would seek parental consent if the patient was a minor.
If a health provider has to evaluate legal and criminal risks before providing a patient with care, the resulting delay could be dangerous for the patient’s health and well-being, especially in emergencies. Restrictive laws and policies on abortion worsen health equities by creating barriers to safe abortion care that disproportionately impact marginalized and underrepresented people.
Restrictive laws and policies on abortion worsen health equities by creating barriers to safe abortion care that disproportionately impact marginalized and underrepresented people.
In 2022, the United States Supreme Court overturned decades of legal precedent recognizing abortion access as a constitutional right set by Roe v. Wade in 1973. MSF is concerned that the loss of the constitutional right to abortion in the US will lead to terrible health outcomes for all people who can become pregnant, particularly people of color and those with limited resources to access care in states where abortion is not restricted.
Although decriminalization and the elimination of legal and policy restrictions to abortion are important steps, they do not alone guarantee the availability of safe abortion care, particularly in places in which abortion was previously legally prohibited or heavily restricted. Health systems respond slowly and inconsistently to change and persisting knowledge gaps and resistance from health workers may hinder access to safe abortion care. In some cases, people may not be aware of their options for safe abortion care or how to access it. In Colombia, for example, despite significant decriminalization of abortion over a decade ago, MSF teams working in the port cities of Buenaventura and Tumaco have found general ignorance about the current scope of safe abortion care, including among health care workers.
Safe abortion should be legal and regulated like any other medical procedure to ensure that all people have access to essential care.
4. Abortion is an essential component of sexual and reproductive health
Access to safe abortion care is a critical, lifesaving part of sexual and reproductive health care, one that safely supports patients who do not wish to be pregnant. In the settings where MSF works, safe abortion care is an effective intervention to prevent maternal mortality and suffering.
Sexual and reproductive health services at MSF
Providing sexual and reproductive health services, including safe abortion care and post-abortion care, has long been part of our health programming. In 2023, MSF teams around the world provided 54,500 consultations for safe abortion care, the majority in African countries, along with 31,000 consultations for post-abortion care, most taking place in Afghanistan, Yemen, South Sudan, and Bangladesh.
In addition to providing safe abortion and post-abortion care, MSF provides contraceptive counseling and access to a range of contraceptive methods. Our projects provide a variety of contraceptive methods to help patients prevent unintended pregnancy and/or STI transmission. MSF aims to provide the full range of contraceptives, including implants, intrauterine devices, injectables, oral contraceptive pills, condoms, and emergency contraception.
Even when individuals have access to contraception, they can still experience an unintended pregnancy and require access to safe abortion care.
Access to quality contraceptive care, including accurate information and a mix of methods, can be an important and positive force in the lives of patients, their families, and communities. At the same time, increasing access to contraceptives must always be accompanied by respect for contraceptive autonomy, wherein patients are supported in their decision regarding whether to use contraception, which methods to use or not use, when to use them, and when to not use them. This means that we support patients to decide for themselves what they want regarding contraceptive use and help them achieve that.
Contraception is not, however, a replacement for safe abortion care. Even when individuals have access to contraception, they can still experience an unintended pregnancy and require access to safe abortion care. As part of our commitment to medical ethics and patient-centered care, MSF provides a range of sexual and reproductive health services to meet the needs of our patients.
5. Abortion is a matter of bodily autonomy
MSF recognizes that it is not the role of health providers to scrutinize the reasons why someone might seek an abortion.
We respect our patients’ decisions and provide them with accurate and comprehensive information, so they can make informed decisions about their own bodies. Regardless of what these decisions are, it is our responsibility to provide them with safe and high-quality care.
We know that there are often serious and detrimental consequences on people’s lives when they are denied access to abortion. Supporting abortion as health care is a powerful way to prevent poor outcomes and improve people’s well-being. Anyone who seeks an abortion—no matter their reason—is deserving of high-quality and dignified care.
Complete Article ↪HERE↩!
More SEX WISDOM with PJ Raval — Podcast #422 — 06/23/14
[Look for the podcast play button below.]
Hey sex fans, welcome back.
Award winning filmmaker and documentarian, PJ Raval is back with us again today to continue our discussion of his 
groundbreaking move, Before You Know It. Like last week, he’s here as part of the SEX WISDOM series because his film shines a spotlight on an often-ignored segment of our youth-oriented culture, LGBT seniors and elders. And the result is nothing short of stunning.
But wait, you didn’t miss Part 1 of our conversation, did you? Well not to worry if ya did, because you can find it and all my podcasts in the Podcast Archive right here on my site. All ya gotta do is use the search function in the header; type in Podcast #420 and Voilà! But don’t forget the #sign when you do your search.
PJ and I discuss:
- Difficulties faced by LGBT seniors and elders;
- His earlier film, Trinidad;
- Dennis, his alter ego, Dee, and his coming out story;
- Rainbow Vista;
- Ty and his work with the Harlem chapter of SAGE;
- Robert “The Mouth” and his Texan drag bar;
- Intertwining the three stories for the greatest effect;
- Collaborating with other artistic people;
- Sex and aging;
- Queer Bomb;
- Christeene.
PJ invites you to visit him on his movie’s site HERE!
(Click on the movie poster below to find out more about PJ’s movie.)
BE THERE OR BE SQUARE!
Look for all my podcasts on iTunes. You’ll find me in the podcast section, obviously. Just search for Dr Dick Sex Advice. And don’t forget to subscribe. I wouldn’t want you to miss even one episode.
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More of the SEX WISDOM of Benjamin Law — Podcast #420 — 06/11/14
[Look for the podcast play button below.]
Hey sex fans, 
Benjamin Law, the author of the critically acclaimed book, Gaysia; Adventures in the Queer East is back with us for Part 2 of his turn on this is the SEX WISDOM show. I’m so glad he has more time to spend with us again this week because he charmed the pants off me last week.
But wait, you didn’t miss Part 1 of this conversation, did you? Well not to worry if ya did, because you can find it and all my podcasts in the Podcast Archive right here on my site. All ya gotta do is use the search function in the header; type in Podcast #419 and Voilà! But don’t forget the #sign when you do your search.
And I’m sure we’ll have another opportunity to hear Benjamin read from his book.
Benjamin and I discuss:
- Sham marriages and marriages of convenience;
- Growing gay consciousness in China;
- Reparative therapy through the power of Christ, Allah, or Yoga;
- Colonialism and sexual oppression;
- The resilience of the sexual minority communities throughout Asia;
- Asia, the gayest continent;
- Cultural relativism and cultural imperialism;
- How his travels changed his life;
- Our queer family is global
- His next book project.
Benjamin invites you to visit him on his site HERE!
Click on the cover art below for more information about Gaysia; Adventures in the Queer East.
BE THERE OR BE SQUARE!
Look for all my podcasts on iTunes. You’ll find me in the podcast section, obviously. Just search for Dr Dick Sex Advice. And don’t forget to subscribe. I wouldn’t want you to miss even one episode.
Podcast: Play in new window | Download
SEX WISDOM With Benjamin Law — Podcast #419 — 06/04/14
[Look for the podcast play button below.]
Hello sex fans! Welcome back.
June is indeed bustin’ out all over. And that can mean only one thing here at Dr Dick’s Sex Advice. IT’S LGBT PRIDE MONTH! Hurray!
To kick off our celebration we’re gonna take an audio fieldtrip to the land down under to visit with one of the most interesting men I’ve had the pleasure of meeting. And seeing this is the SEX WISDOM show, you can be certain that my guest is among the movers and shakers in the field of human sexuality. Because this is the series where we meet researchers, educators, clinicians, pundits and philosophers who are helping us take a fresh look at our sexual selves.
My guest is none other than Benjamin Law, the author of the critically acclaimed book, Gaysia; Adventures in the Queer East. Benjamin is a journalist, columnist, and screenwriter. And has a Ph.D. in television writing and cultural studies, don’t cha know. His passion is evident in all he does, but he is also funny as all get out. I can’t wait for you to meet him.
Benjamin and I discuss:
- His way with words;
- Cleis Press, his North American Publisher;
- His international audience;
- Modern gay consciousness is linked to a certain economic class;
- Bad reviews;
- Sex tourism;
- Living on the sexual fringe;
- His travels throughout south Asia;
- Religion, family responsibilities, and sexual minorities;
- Sex work can come from a place of pride or from a place of desperation;
- The double standard for women and men.
I’m going to make sure that Benjamin reads from Gaysia; Adventures in the Queer East, so you won’t want to miss that.
Benjamin invites you to visit him on his site HERE!
Click on the cover art below for more information about Gaysia; Adventures in the Queer East.
BE THERE OR BE SQUARE!
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Sex EDGE-U-cation with Tony Buff – Podcast #168 – 11/18/09
[Look for the podcast play button below.]
Hey sex fans,
Did you miss me last week? I know, I know; it was beyond my control. Sorry to disappoint. But, to make it up to you, I have the real deal for you today. That’s right, we’re gonna get some mighty impressive Sex EDGE-U-cation from one of the luminaries of gay porn. I’m talkin big, big star here people, and that’s both literally and figuratively, if ya catch my drift.
I have the pleasure of welcoming a tireless activist, compelling educator, masterful rigger and superb Dom. He also directs as well as performs in his signature line of critically acclaimed fetish movies. He is the one and only Tony Buff.
If you know anything about BDSM, rope bondage or power play, you will probably know his name. And if you are a connoisseur of cutting edge smut, well then, I know you are a huge fan of this amazing man, just like me.
Tony brings the same intensity and focus of his on screen performances to this interview. And he adds his unique voice to the ever-growing chorus of prominent educators, practitioners and advocates of unconventional sexual expressions and lifestyles that is this podcast series.
Tony and I discuss:
- Body double, or just a cock double?
- The Pacific Northwest as a hotbed of perversion.
- His on screen persona being the same as his off screen persona.
- How he got his start in porn.
- The workshops he and Derek da Silva present together.
- His mentors — Max and Monk.
- His collaboration with Titan Media, The Rough Line.
- Challenges, opportunities and the future of porn.
- The bareback phenomenon.
- A More Nuanced Position.
Be sure to visit Tony on his kick-ass site HERE!
Tony & friends at work and play.
BE THERE OR BE SQUARE!
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